Author: Museum Volunteers, JMM

Article by Lim Ee Lin

As Museum Volunteers, we try to “take the mystery out of history” and very often to do this, we not only share the facts behind the artefacts we chose to talk about during the tours. Many of us have personal memories of the museum (building), connections to events we highlight on the nation’s history, the multicultural elements in the artefacts, the places mentioned, and people showcased. It is in this personal telling of stories that brings out the passion in our storytelling.

On reading the narratives in Roots Living Heritage, I recognise the personal pride and passion in the 18 accounts shared.  In their introduction, the editors brought up that history writing in Malaysia is presented largely based on official records. However, personal memory is also no less an important source of historical information, capturing the lived experiences which include the more personal experiences, emotions felt, cultures and values practised. It was clear that all the writers were proud to have had the opportunity to formally record their recollections of subjects through a mix of their own personal recollections, memories of friends and family they interviewed, formal reports, and other sources. It is through their interpretation that we now have these 18 vivid insights into our shared history.

Dr Asma Abdullah and Masnoon Bujang already captured the essence of the book’s contents in their review for the Star newspaper. I also concur with their summary that “[a]ll in all, it was a delight getting to know in close proximity the unforgettable events that have taken place in our multicultural setting and their impact on our forefathers. This is our national strength that we must acknowledge, celebrate, and defend.”  All the more when I discovered my own connections with some of the people and places after finding one in the first narrative. The six degrees of separation social distance popularised by Hungarian writer Karinthy is real! Many readers will undoubtedly find their own connections to people and places mentioned in the narratives, and not only to the primary subject.  After all, these narratives were anchored on personal memory. Some of my connections are as follows:

• Colonel Dara Singh was Uncle Dara. I was introduced to him when my late father’s childhood friend Uncle Mindo returned from the UK for a visit and wanted to pay him a visit. I remember visiting the house in Rasah Jaya, the manner in which he shared some stories from his past in both Hokkien and English, how he towered over auntie, the elephant’s foot in the corner of his living room, which was made into a receptacle for canes, etc. One time, he gave us a souvenir to remember him by – if I am not wrong, it was an enlarged reproduction of a US100 dollar note with his face instead of Benjamin Franklin’s. I have kept it all these years but will need to unearth it from one of many souvenir boxes. I am sure that someone else might remember this and have a copy too.

• Rogayah Hanim’s grandson Royal Professor Ungku Abdul Aziz was Vice-Chancellor of Universiti Malaya when I enrolled. Many of us will have a memory of him jogging around campus most evenings in his singlet, short shorts and headband!

• My grandparents started their family in Taiping. My late grandfather worked in a tin mine in Kamunting and I wonder if he was acquainted with Marimuthu Ammal and descendants whether through business or otherwise. Another blast from the past was in the reference to historian Mr D.M. Ponnusamy. I remember him fondly as he used to send me letters and historical accounts written in longhand when I worked at a heritage NGO. I was fortunate to have met him a few times before he passed away.

• A Headmaster’s Journey is an account written by our own MV President Afidah Zuliana Abdul Rahim, about her late father. I also have been taught by teachers like the esteemed Abdul Rahim Che Teh, who took pride in the profession and whose patriotism drove him to always give more than his best.

In addition to the book’s Introduction which introduced a variety of themes found in this collection, I wish to add another – that of the values held by many of the subjects. Whether because of age or interest, these values resonated with me. While I did not have to live through many of the hard times of the era, the growing (pains) years of the nation, being a 3^rd and 4^th generation descendant of immigrants on both sides of my family means that I have heard a version of the maxims mentioned/held by the subjects. Whatever their background and origins, it is apparent that all the subjects were willing to give it their all, and work together for the greater good.  I hope other readers will also make it a treasure hunt to compile a list of values they pick up from the narratives!

Another element from the book that resonated with me is the idea of interpretation – these narratives of people, places and events are a mix of fact and records with the memory of people. The writers have provided us with their interpretation and readers, especially those who find their personal connections to them add another layer to the interpretation and possibly, emotional connection.  As MVs, we are interpreters of history as displayed in Muzium Negara – a history of this nation of immigrants who have laid down roots and continue to grow the nation. We help each other and visitors to make sense of the displays exhibited, so that they may develop understanding, appreciation and enhance their knowledge of Malaysia. Let us not lose our pride and passion for this!

There will be a Book Discussion Event on “Roots Living Heritage” organised by Arkib Negara Malaysia on Saturday 11 March 2023 at 2.30p.m. Venue is the Main Hall, Memorial Tun Hussein Onn, Kuala Lumpur.

*MVs may peruse a copy of the book at the MV Library.

By Chuah Siew Yen

Royalty to Peasantry, Weddings to Funerals: A Millennia-old Habit

The leaves of a vine, the nut of a palm, with a slather of calcium hydroxide paste – this magical combination of the betel quid has excited and intoxicated royalty and peasantry since antiquity.

Image source: Betel Chewing in South-East Asia by Dawn F. Rooney; accessible at: http://rooneyarchive.net/lectures/betel_chewing_in_south-east_asia.htm

The relaxing and alerting effects of the quid exudes a general sense of heightened well-being more intense than caffeine or nicotine. Is it any wonder then that the chewing habit spread to the western Pacific, across the Indian subcontinent, reaching as far as the fringes of East Africa to Madagascar in the west; Melanesia to the Santa Cruz Islands in the east; southern China in the north, and Papua New Guinea in the south?

The World Health Organisation (WHO) estimates that globally 600 million people today still indulge in betel chewing, also known as chewing betel quid. This translates to one-tenth of the human race, and is recognisable by the ubiquitous red-stained lips and reddish-blackened teeth of the users. The custom pervades Asia, has no gender barriers and embraces all ages and classes.

The essential ingredients of the quid are the betel leaf which has a fresh, peppery taste (though some varieties may be bitter-sweet), the areca nut with its tannin, oil gum and nicotine/arecoline properties, and slated lime which increases the alkalinity in the mouth of the chewer to release the alkaloids, the active ingredients in the nut. Tobacco and other spices such as clove, cumin, and cinnamon, may be added for flavour. Chewing the quid thus produces the signature red spittle.

A betel nut chewer in Papua New Guinea. Image source: Photograph by David Longstreath for the Associated Press (AP)

The chewed preparation is not swallowed. Profuse spittle is produced during the chewing and the excess has to be spat out. This constant spitting is an inevitable part of quid-chewing. Spitting the excess juices in public spaces is not only repulsive and nauseating, but unhygienic. The near permanent red stains left on floors, roads and walls are an eyesore and defaces the environment.

Paan (betel quid) made with areca nut, betel leaves and lime, with or without tobacco, causes profuse red coloured salivation. This saliva is spat, yielding stains and biological waste pollution in public spaces. Many countries and municipalities now have laws to prevent paan spit. Image source: Photograph by Anna Frodesiak; CC0.

When quid chewing spread and was elevated to a higher social practice, the spittle was disposed of into special receptacles now known as spittoons. This later gave rise to an entire artistic genre that included implements for preparing, serving, transporting, and storing betel ingredients. Boxes of various sizes to hold smaller containers of the areca nut, lime and spices were made from wood or lacquer which were initially plain but later decorated. For the aristocrats and royalty these containers could be of silver or gold. As the practice grew in sophistication, a small knife, spatula, and scissors/cutter were added in the box. To complete the kit the tray of containers is placed on a matching spittoon. See picture below. In the Malay language it is ‘tempat/tepak sirih’.

Ingredients found in the individual vessels called cembul of the tepak sirih. Traditionally, each item is positioned according to a particular order. Image source: Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia (PNM); accessible at: https://www.pnm.gov.my/sirihpinang/sp-tepak%20sirih%201.htm

Glossary:
Tepak sirih > Betel quid set
Kepala tepak > Front of tray/set
Ekor tepak > Back of tray/set
Pinang > Areca nut
Kapur > Lime
Gambir > Gambier
Tembakau > Tobacco
Cengkih > Clove
Daun sirih > Betel leaf
Kacip > Cutter/slicer for areca nut

Peranakan tempat sirih, wood, mother of pearl, silver and gold plating, early 20th century, Intan Museum. Image source: Photograph by Haa900; CC0.

The materials and craftsmanship of a betel nut set (tepak sirih) indicates a person’s wealth and status. Only royalty and elites possessed quality metal or porcelain sets and tools while a commoner had access to only wooden ones.

In the past in India and Sri Lanka, it was a custom of the royalty to chew area nut with betel leaf. Kings had special attendants whose duty it was to carry the betel box wherever the king went, and to ensure the ingredients made for a good chewing session.

The origins of betel chewing are unknown although it has long been held that betel chewing is native to India, dating back to Vedic times. According to ancient books of Ayurveda, the practice of chewing betel leaves (not the quid) after meals was common between 75 and 300 CE, for its curative properties.

In Chinese folk medicine betel leaves have been used for detoxification and anti-mutation. There are research experiments where the leaf extract and purified compounds are anti-diabetic and anti-inflammatory. The various Ayurvedic medicine uses for the leaf are as a diuretic, for intestinal ailments and protection from infections.

Despite the widespread use of betel leaves in ancient times, there has not been strong evidence of incidence of oral cancer. Various experiments evaluating the effects of betel leaves suggested no harmful effect when consumed alone. (Bhide et al.)

On its own, betel leaves were used as a stimulant, antiseptic and breath-freshener whereas the areca nut was considered as aphrodisiac. It is again not known when and where these two different stimulants were first put together, but there is archaeological evidence that the leaves and nut were chewed together from very ancient times. References to betel chewing appeared in ancient Greek, Sanskrit and Chinese literature as early as 100 BCE.

It is believed the practice of betel nut chewing originated from Island Southeast Asia where the plant ingredients are native. The oldest evidence of betel nut chewing is found in a burial pit in the Duyong Cave site in Pahlawan, Philippines. The dentition of several skeletons in the pit is stained, typical of betel chewers. One of the anadara shells used as lime containers still had traces of lime. Burial sites in Bohol dated around first millennium CE also had skulls with the distinctive reddish stain characteristic of betel chewing, in the oral cavity.

Areca catechu illustrated by Francisco Manuel Blanco in Flora de Filipinas (1880-1883). It is originally native to the Philippines. Image source: Plate from book; accessible at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Betel_nut_chewing#/media/File:Areca_catechu_Blanco2.350.png

The Areca palm and the heart-shaped betel leaf from the vine of the sub-tropical pan plant were endemic in these areas from where betel chewing probably spread during the Austronesian expansion. The most concentrated areas for betel chewing were the areas where the climate and soil are suitable for the cultivation of the nut and leaf, and where there is an adequate source of lime.

The habitual usage of the betel leaf-nut-lime combination spread from the Philippines to Taiwan and onwards to the rest of Austronesia and neighbouring cultures through trade and migration. Its use was documented by ancient historians in Ceylon and Persia around 600 BCE and parts of the Arab world by the 8th and 9th centuries. It is believed that betel was brought to Europe by Marco Polo around 1300 CE.

Even though the narcotic and stimulating effects of betel chewing had been noticed by travellers and botanists of the 16th century, it was not until the 19th century that attempts were made to study them scientifically.

Through maritime trade through the centuries, the leaf, nut and use of sirih (leaf) and pinang (areca nut) spread from east to west, influencing daily life and rituals from marriages to funerals… and it isn’t limited to ordinary folk; even royalty was in on it! The use of this humble quid eventually became embedded in social convention and court ceremony. The quid became the token of favour in village courtships as well as in royal courts.

Tepak sirih set from Hani’s personal collection. This is a typical presentation to offer guests. Fresh flowers and cinnamon sticks are used to decorate the tray. Photograph by author.

The habit caught on naturally as ingredients were freely traded, available, affordable and … addictive! Synonymous in Myanmar with hospitality and social enjoyment, almost everyone during the past century used to own a betel box as men, women and monks of all ages and ranks chewed betel.

This is clear indication of man’s innate desire to seek temporal solace in stimulants, be they royalty, peasantry, or clergy. Kings, emperors, sultans, emirs – all display hedonistic behaviour, their wealth allowing them to indulge insatiable hunger for things pleasurable.

In 990 CE, a Chinese envoy recorded cultural uses of betel chewing by a Vietnamese king, and by the 17th century, western travellers recorded the phenomenon as a deep-rooted social ritual. Since the 11th century, the royal use of betel in Southeast Asia is described in written records which provide details about the protocol of sharing a quid with a king and the use of betel in royal ceremonies. From the 16th century when Europeans reached the East, they viewed this alien foreign custom as ‘…unhygienic, vile and disgusting…’

Chewing habits of people may have changed, but having been around so long it remains an inalienable part of cultural and religious rituals. Whether medicinal, magical, symbolic, or social, the betel serves a purpose in many cultures, encompassing more than just ritual chewing. From its historical use as medicine, it has evolved to feature symbolically in many important social and religious ceremonies.

Across the Asian region, betel has a strong association with engagements and marriages. In mainland Southeast Asia, the betel nut symbolises love and faithfulness. A decorated betel nut set is featured at traditional weddings and betel nuts are offered as dowries. Sirih, the Malay word for betel leaf, means ‘a young girl who is of marriageable age’, while the word for the areca nut, pinang, can mean ‘to court’ or ‘to propose’. In Sumatra, a Batak man will offer a betel quid to start a conversation with his potential wife, while an Iban woman will take betel from a man if she accepts his marriage proposal.
There was a custom for lovers to chew the areca nut and betel leaf together for its breath-freshening and relaxant properties. Thus, a sexual symbolism came to be attached to the chewing of the nut and leaf, the nut representing the male, and the leaf the female.

On the other end of the spectrum, betel is featured in funeral rites as it is believed to pave the way to a better incarnation. Cambodian-Khmer cultures place a betel leaf together with an inscribed Buddhist verse between the lips of the deceased. In northern India relatives offer their final farewells by placing betel on the dead body. In Luzon Island, betel juice was used to embalm the dead as far back as the 16th century. Because of cross-cultural interactions, many of these rituals overlap across communities.

In between life and death ceremonies, the betel is a significant item in childbirth in several Asian communities. After childbirth, mothers undergo a ritual ‘lying by the fire’ to dry out the womb while offering protective spirits a platter of betel, flowers, candles, and incense. The areca flower is added to the mother’s bath for curative effects on the womb. The baby is laid on a bed of areca nut palms, to symbolise prosperity.

Considered an auspicious ingredient in Hinduism and some schools of Buddhism, the areca nut and betel leaf is still used in religious ceremonies, and honouring individuals at festivals.

Preparing betel quid for sale in Calcutta. Image source: https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/kolkata/kolkatas-famous-paanwallahs-spread-sweetness-amid-odds/articleshow/81675758.cms

The practice lives on today in Oceania, many South, East and West Asian countries, and India. In some parts of Asia these psychoactive parcels are still used as a herbal remedy for anything from toothache, indigestion to acne, as well as in veterinary and ayurvedic medicine. Some others believe they have aphrodisiac properties.

Today, the betel habit has declined in popularity, especially in urban areas where quid chewing is frowned upon because of the unsightly splashes of crimson on walls and roadside left by indiscriminate chewers. Modernisation with education has taken over. To many urban youths it is a memory of the past.

But to agrarian communities and rural areas where socio-cultural traditions are so strong the habit is hard to break. Low health literacy is another contributing factor. Quid chewing remains an ingrained habit among working-age men who chew to stay awake during the long hours at work at construction sites, fishing at sea or long-distance driving. The stubborn users seem oblivious that the habit is a deadly addiction as the ingredients in a betel quid are cancer-causing agents and stimulants, and a major cause of oral and laryngeal cancers.

Ni Ni Wah puts a betel quid in her mouth. She dismisses the risks of cancer saying “mouth cancer happens to people who keep betel quids in their mouth all night while they sleep.” Image source: Photograph by Dave Grunebaum for VOA.

Taiwan has made progress toward reducing quid use by implementing numerous government-funded programmes. Nation-wide educational outreach, cessation courses and incentives for cultivating alternative cash crops adopted since the 1990s has resulted in a notable reduction in the number of quid users, but the issue is far from resolved. The betel-nut trade in Taiwan has been widely sexualised: young scantily-clad maidens still hawk the product from transparent cubicles along highways.

Half of Papua New Guinea’s 9 million people are quid chewers – that’s big betel business! This country has the world’s highest oral cancer mortality. In 2013 physicians and public health officials managed to get lawmakers to pass an outright ban on selling and chewing quid in Port Moresby but the success was short-lived. Those protecting their trade protested strongly… and the sale was subsequently allowed in designated areas. Local experts predict that the burden of oral cancer will continue to worsen.

It remains legal to sell an addictive carcinogen without a warning label in much of the world. Policy makers in these regions have continually neglected to adopt public health initiatives to address production and use of betel quid.     

The medical community is stuck on the outside, looking in, as an unregulated industry fuels a health disaster. It is a reminder of how little progress has been made towards addressing health disparities between privileged and marginalised populations.

Note: This article is inspired by the presentation on Betel Chewing – Mythology, Legend, Fable & Folk Tale by Krishnan Karruppan to Museum Volunteers on 2 November 2022.

Edited by Meredith Tomkovitch

References

1. Dawn, F. Rooney, Betel Chewing Traditions in South-East Asia (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1993), 1. (Call no. RSEA 394.14 ROO-[CUS])
2. “The Epicurean, Palliative Pleasures of Paan,” Himalayan Academy. Publications, published 1 February 1994.
3. https://www.hindawi.com/journals/complexity/2020/3457068/.
4. https://www.zebregsroell.com/post/sirih-boxes-betel-boxes.

Oleh Shafinaz Ahmad Shaharir
Kredit gambar: Muhammad Nazirul Hakim

Bandar Taiping yang terletak di negeri Perak merupakan sebuah bandar warisan yang menyimpan seribu kenangan dan merupakan sebuah bandar permulaan bagi arus pemodenan di Tanah Melayu pada suatu ketika dahulu. Nama Taiping berasal daripada perkataan Cina “Tai-Peng” yang bermaksud aman selamanya setelah tamatnya perang Larut pada tahun 1874. Bandar Taiping wujud hasil daripada kegiatan perlombongan secara besar-besaran yang dipelopori oleh pemimpin Melayu iaitu Long Jaafar.

Asalnya bandar Taiping merupakan penempatan bagi sebilangan kecil masyarakat Melayu namun perjumpaan bijih timah yang banyak di Larut telah menarik perhatian orang asing untuk berhijrah ke bandar ini. Dahulunya sebelum penjajahan British di negeri Perak, Taiping atau nama asalnya Kelian Pauh terletak di bawah daerah Larut. Larut yang dimaksudkan bukanlah daerah Larut, Matang dan Selama yang ada pada hari ini tetapi Larut tersebut merangkumi ke utara hingga ke Sungai Kerian dan menganjur ke selatan sampai ke Sungai Beruas. Nama Larut adalah bersempena dengan nama seekor gajah yang digunakan untuk mengangkut bijih timah tetapi telah terlepas ke dalam hutan. Apabila gajah itu ditemui, kaki gajah tersebut berlumpur hitam dipenuhi dengan pasir bijih timah. Dipercayai disebabkan peristiwa gajah ini, daerah ini dinamakan sebagai Larut dan mula menjadi rebutan para pembesar negeri, penjajah dan pedagang asing termasuk pelombong Cina kerana buminya yang amat kaya dengan bijih timah.

Apabila menyentuh sejarah kegemilangan Taiping, dua tokoh terkemuka Melayu bagi bandar ini tidak harus dilupakan iaitu Long Jaafar dan Ngah Ibrahim. Kejayaan mereka mengubah Larut daripada sebuah kawasan pendalaman kepada sebuah daerah yang kaya dan terkenal tidak harus dinafikan. Ini kerana kejayaan mereka telah mendahului zaman pada waktu itu lagi dengan menjadi pembesar Melayu dan tokoh perniagaan Melayu.

Pengasas Pengembangan Bandar Taiping

Sebelum kedatangan British ke negeri Perak, Larut ditadbir oleh Long Jaafar yang telah diberi kuasa oleh Sultan Perak ketika itu. Umum mengetahui bahawa Long Jaafar yang telah membuka lombong bijih timah di Larut secara besar-besaran dan sungai-sungai dijadikan lombong bijih timah. Long Jaafar merupakan anak kepada Dato’ Paduka Setia Long Abdul Latif dan menantu kepada Datuk Panglima Bukit Gantang Alang Alaiddin. Long Jaafar berkahwin dengan sepupunya Ngah Pura, anak kepada bapa saudaranya iaitu Alang Alaiddin. Bermula dengan penemuan bijih timah secara tidak sengaja oleh Long Jaafar di Kelian Pauh (Taiping) telah membuka lembaran sejarah baharu dalam perlombongan bijih timah di Larut. Jumpaan baharu kawasan bijih timah yang dikenali sebagai Kelian Baru (Kamunting) turut meluaskan lagi kejayaan Long Jaafar dalam perusahaan bijih timah dan telah menaikkan lagi kedudukan beliau sebagai seseorang yang lebih berpengaruh dan kaya.

Kejayaan Long Jaafar membuka perlombongan bijih timah di Larut membuatkan beliau memperoleh kawasan pajakan di Larut dengan membayar sebanyak $125.00 setahun kepada Datuk Panglima Bukit Gantang. Kedudukan beliau bertambah kukuh apabila pada 28 Februari 1850, Long Jaafar menerima pengurniaan kuasa dan hak memerintah Larut daripada Sultan Perak, Sultan Shahabuddin Riayat Shah (1830-1851). Beliau meluaskan lagi daerah ini meliputi Matang, Kerian dan Selama serta menjadikan Kota Bukit Gantang sebagai pusat pentadbirannya.

Atas kebijaksanaan Long Jaafar, Larut mula berkembang pesat dengan aktiviti perlombongan bijih timah. Sebelum kedatangan pelombong Cina, penduduk tempatan telah melakukan kerja-kerja melombong secara mendulang sahaja. Namun dengan kedatangan pelombong Cina yang dibawa masuk oleh Long Jaafar pada tahun 1840, teknik melombong menjadi lebih rapi dan sistematik menyebabkan beliau membawa lebih ramai lagi pelombong Cina ke kawasan Larut untuk bekerja dengannya. Kerancakan ekonomi ini telah meletakkan Long Jaafar sebagai hartawan dan ahli perniagaan yang amat berpengaruh pada waktu itu. Ini dapat dibuktikan apabila Long Jaafar mempunyai hubungan yang erat dengan saudagar-saudagar Cina di Pulau Pinang dan hasil bijih timah Larut dijual kepada mereka. Hubungan erat antara Long Jaafar dengan orang Cina dapat dibuktikan melalui hubungannya dengan Law Sam. Law Sam merupakan ketua orang Cina bagi sukunya dan merekalah golongan pertama orang Cina yang datang ke Kelian Pauh.

Apabila Long Ja’afar meninggal dunia pada tahun 1857, kejayaan dan kekayaan beliau diwarisi kepada anak kedua beliau, Ngah Ibrahim. Ngah Ibrahim juga berjaya mendapatkan hak untuk memerintah jajahan Larut termasuk Kerian dan Bagan Tiang daripada Sultan Ja’afar Muazzam Syah (1857-1865) pada 30 November 1857. Beliau juga menempa nama sebagai seorang pemerintah dan ahli perniagaan yang amat berjaya seperti bapanya tetapi dengan corak pentadbiran yang lebih moden serta beliau memindahkan pusat pentadbiran Larut dari Bukit Gantang ke Kota Ngah Ibrahim di Permatang (Matang). Apabila berlaku pergolakan kuasa dan termeterainya Perjanjian Pangkor pada 20 Januari 1874, menjadi titik perubahan kepada kegemilangan Ngah Ibrahim yang menyebabkan beliau dan pembesar-pembesar Melayu yang menentang British kehilangan kuasa.

Apabila berlaku pergolakan kuasa antara pembesar-pembesar Melayu dan pergaduhan antara ketua-ketua kongsi gelap Cina telah membuka peluang pihak British menjajah negeri Perak. British juga mula campur tangan dalam pentadbiran Larut. Kapten Speedy, Penolong Residen British dilantik untuk mentadbir Larut dan J.W.W. Birch menjadi Residen Inggeris yang pertama di negeri Perak.  Pihak British menyusun semula pentadbiran di Larut dan memberi nama baru kepada Kelian Pauh iaitu Taiping. Setelah pembunuhan Birch, Taiping dipilih sebagai pusat pentadbiran dan ibu kota negeri Perak. Kapten Speedy dipindah ke Hulu Perak. Semenjak itu, bandar ini mula berkembang pesat dengan pembangunan dan pada tahun 1883 telah wujud bangunan-bangunan baru yang digunakan sebagai mahkamah dan pejabat.

Keunikan Bandar Taiping

Pada masa kini, keunikan bandar Taiping dapat dilihat pada bangunan-bangunan dan barisan kedai-kedai lama yang menjadi ciri penting dalam membentuk identiti bandar warisan ini. Kebanyakan bangunan-bangunan konkrit ini masih kekal dan mempamerkan seni bina kolonial yang dibawa oleh penjajah-penjajah Eropah terutamanya British.

Pembangunan awal di Taiping terbahagi kepada dua era iaitu sebelum kedatangan British dan semasa pendudukan British di Tanah Melayu. Ketika pemerintahan Long Jaafar, sebuah kota dibina di Bukit Gantang sebagai sebuah pusat pentadbiran Larut dan pusat perniagaannya. Kota ini dilengkapi dengan benteng pertahanan dan gudang. Diikuti pula dengan pemerintahan Ngah Ibrahim, beliau menjadikan Matang sebagai kota pentadbiran Larut yang dilengkapi dengan kemudahan infrastruktur seperti jalan raya, balai pengawal, rumah kedai, penjara, gudang senjata, gudang menyimpan bijih timah dan lain-lain lagi kemudahan. Pada waktu ini, kebanyakaan bangunan dibina berasaskan kayu-kayan yang menyebabkan ia tidak bertahan untuk jangka tempoh yang lama.

Era kedua pembangunan Taiping adalah ketika penjajahan British. Pihak British mula membangunkan bandar ini secara terancang serta lengkap dengan kemudahan infrastruktur. Kebanyakan bangunan ini dibina rapi di sepanjang jalan-jalan utama dalam bentuk grid segi empat dan ditanami pokok-pokok. Premis perniagaan dibina dalam bentuk blok dengan sepuluh buah kedai untuk setiap blok di hadapan jalan raya yang lebih lebar. Jalan-jalan utama pada waktu itu adalah Jalan Stadium, Jalan Theatre, Jalan Kota, Jalan Barrack, Jalan Main dan Jalan Old Club. Sepanjang tahun 1880-an pembangunan dan kemajuan di Taiping dikatakan mendahului bandar-bandar lain di Tanah Melayu. Muzium Perak, muzium pertama di negara ini dibina pada tahun 1883 dan selesai pembinaannya pada tahun 1886. Sistem pengangkutan dan perhubungan menerusi jalan darat yang menghubungkan Taiping dan Parit Buntar turut dibina dan hampir selesai pembinaannya pada tahun 1883. Buat pertama kalinya, keretapi membawa penumpang dari Port Weld ke Taiping pada 12 Februari 1885.

Ketika itu, Port Weld merupakan sebuah pelabuhan yang sangat sibuk kerana hasil eksport dan import antara Taiping dan Pulau Pinang disalurkan melalui pelabuhan ini. Beberapa bangunan pentadbiran kerajaan juga turut dibina termasuklah pejabat pos dan telegraf pada tahun 1884. Penjara pertama di Malaysia juga turut dibina pada tahun 1879 yang dikenali sebagai Penjara Taiping bagi menampung penjenayah yang dihukum penjara di seluruh Negeri-negeri Melayu Bersekutu. Taiping juga mendahului dalam sistem pendidikan Inggeris di Tanah Melayu dengan terbinanya sekolah Inggeris pertama di Kamunting pada tahun 1878. Sekolah King Edward VII yang dibina pada tahun 1883 juga merupakan sebuah sekolah yang terbaik yang bukan hanya terkemuka dalam bidang pelajaran tetapi pelbagai jenis sukan seperti ragbi dan bola sepak. Malah, Taiping ketika itu juga menitik berat aktiviti riadah dan rekreasi dengan wujudnya Perak Club pada tahun 1881, eksklusif untuk warga Eropah dan Eurasian serta Taman Tasik Taiping yang merupakan taman rekreasi yang tertua di Malaysia dibina atas tapak bekas lombong bijih timah pada tahun 1884. Disebabkan kemajuan Taiping pada waktu itu menyebabkan bandar ini amat terkenal dengan jolokan “yang pertama” (first of many) kerana bandar ini mempunyai lebih daripada 30 kejayaan iaitu menjadi “yang pertama” sama ada dalam pentadbiran, pendidikan, kemudahan awam dan komunikasi, institusi keagaaman, pusat rekreasi, penerbitan dan persatuan.

Kesimpulan

Taiping menjadi simbol kebijaksanaan masyarakat dahulu dalam pentadbiran membangunkan sebuah bandar secara teratur serta sistematik yang lengkap dengan pelbagai fasiliti dan kemudahan. Bandar ini telah mencapai usia lebih 100 tahun dan telah diangkat sebagai bandar warisan yang sangat unik malah signifikan dalam perkembangan sejarah awal Malaysia. Malah, Taiping sering menjadi tumpuan para penyelidik dalam pelbagai bidang termasuklah mengkaji seni bina struktur bangunan-bangunan terawal yang terdapat di bandar ini. Pentingnya bandar warisan ini bukan sahaja menjadi tumpuan para pelancong, tetapi untuk tatapan generasi baru Malaysia yang bakal mewarisi negara ini bagi mereka mengetahui tentang asal-usul mereka dan menghayati peristiwa masa lalu negara. Malah generasi baru juga harus tahu bahawa Taiping merupakan tempat bermulanya pertumbuhan nasionalisme Melayu yang diketuai oleh Ngah Ibrahim dan sekutunya dalam menentang campur tangan penjajah British di negara ini. Oleh itu, peranan bandar ini tidak harus diabaikan dan langkah-langkah pemuliharaan bangunan-bangunan yang telah dimamah usia haruslah diberi perhatian dengan segera bagi tatapan generasi akan datang.

Rujukan

A. T. (2004). Old Taiping. Malaysia: Alex Teoh Eng Kean.

Azmi , N., Shamsul Harumain, Y., Ali , A., Zaini, S., & Abdullah, M. (2017). Character-Defining Elements of Shophouses Buildings in Taiping, Perak. Journal of Design and Built Environment, Special Issue, 139-149. Retrieved August 23, 2022, from https://ejournal.um.edu.my/index.php/jdbe/article/view/10151/7197

Khoo Kay Kim. (1994). Taiping: Ibu Kota Perak. Kuala Lumpur: Persatuan Muzium Malaysia.

Mohd Zamberi, A. (2001). Larut Daerah Terkaya. Bangi: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.

Muzium Matang (2022). Pameran Khas: Menelusuri Jejak Tengku Menteri Ngah Ibrahim. Taiping: Jabatan Muzium Malaysia

Zainol, R. (2017). Pelancongan Bandar Di Taiping. Sejarah: Jurnal Jabatan Sejarah Universiti Malaya, 15(15), 129-141. doi:https://doi.org/10.22452/sejarah.vol15no15.7

By Chin Keat Yue

A perfect way to spend a Saturday morning is to take a stroll to the National Textile Museum especially with a well-informed volunteer guide, Anne.  The Textile Museum gives one a good overview of not just textiles and weaving techniques but also various accessories that can also be worn. One will be surprised that the some of the patterns of the olden textiles will not lose out in terms of beauty with their modern contemporaries.

 There are four permanent galleries in the National Textile Museum, viz.:

Pohon Budi Gallery
(Ground Floor)

This gallery tells the story of the evolution of textiles and the techniques associated with textile weaving, beginning with the initial use of bark cloth as covering. This involved the simple art of using stone to beat the bark until it was soft. Early fibre used for weaving was from banana trunk or pineapple leaves. Exhibits include techniques of calendaring and gilding, gold thread embroidery on velvet, woven and embroidered textiles, Iban ceremonial cloth (pua kumbu), songket weaving, beading on shoes, collars, head cloth and tapestry as well as a comprehensive section on batik making.

Various looms were displayed and one is made aware that when using the back-strap loom for weaving, the size of the cloth is restricted to the body width though not the length.

Various techniques of creating patterns for example calendaring and gilding, tie and dye method, block printing, canting hand drawn technique as well as gold thread embroidery, using of gold leaf or dust were explained.

Some pieces from The Royal Pahang Weaving are also on display.   

Pelangi Gallery
(Ground Floor)

This gallery explores the various types of textiles. Batik making started in the 1930’s in the East Coast of Peninsular Malaysia (Malaya then). Before that batik cloth was imported mainly from Indonesia. The costly batik imports gave a push to the entrepreneurs in the East Coast to start their own batik making. Examples of tie and dye and hand drawn batik are exhibited. Malaysian batik is more colourful compared to its Indonesian counterpart.

It was pointed out that the square Sabah textile is usually used as headgear.

The Sarawak pua does not use gold thread as supplementary thread unlike the songket. The pattern in the Sarawak pua can weave a story. The pua can be used as a blanket or even to wrap skulls in the old days.

There is also a good display of Baba & Nyonya textile and Indian textile. The Baba & Nyonya textile carries much more vibrant colours compared to textiles used by the Chinese. Indian textiles were mainly imported from India.    

Ratna Sari Gallery
(First Floor)

If one is interested in having a peep at jewellery and accessories, head toward this gallery. These ornaments are made of not just precious metals like gold, silver, copper but also beads, feathers, etc. and were worn by different ethnicities in Malaysia.  

A good variety of necklaces, pendants, kerongsang (brooches), earrings, rings, bracelets and anklets, belts, engraved buckles with floral designs and some inlaid with gold dating back to early 20^th century. Hair pins, weapons (keris), modesty discs are also exhibited in this gallery.

A very interesting find is a wedding crown where the blue colour used was made from the feathers of the kingfisher. Some of the pendants in the necklaces can store amulets for the protection of the wearers.

Teluk Berantai Gallery
(First Floor)

Fine examples of various Malay textiles covering songket, limar sarung fabric, cloth embellished with gold leaf (telepuk), limar cloth and scripted cloth can be viewed in this gallery.

The arrivals of traders from Arabia, Persia, Turkey, China, India, Siam and the islands of Sumatra and Java in the early days would influence the material used then. Over the years the materials used ranged from simple to elaborate songket in fine cotton or on silk.  

Gold paper embroidery collections on display are used as covers for pillows, bridal decoration, wedding dais, etc. Probably the skills required to make them would take time to master as they involved cutting and shaping the gold paper into various designs or motifs sewing them together with coloured threads, spangles and glass-like pieces.

Development of gold thread embroidery (tekat) on textile was largely influenced by imports of gold threads, satin, silk and velvet materials from India and China into the Malayan Peninsular. In tekat the gold threads are laid on the surface of the material and stitched into place.

This last section showcases the cultural wear of the various ethnic groups in Malaysia and reminds the visitors of Gallery D of the National Museum.

Additional Information

The National Textile Museum building completed in 1905 was designed by Arthur Benison Hubback in the Neo-Mughal architectural style. Throughout its history it had been used to house various government departments before it was turned into the National Textile Museum, and was officially opened in 2012 although it was already opened to the public in 2010. It sits adjacent to the Sultan Abdul Samad Building and holds its own in terms of beauty and grace with its distinctive red and white bonding façade topped with onion-shaped domes.  

Ticket entry to the National Textile Museum is a steal at RM2 for an adult ticket (12 years and above) and half the price for senior citizens and the disabled. Non-Malaysians are charged RM5. The National Textile Museum is open daily from 9am to 5pm except the first Monday of each month.